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These times present a very unique phenomenon: the pioneering US parade of the babysitters. Their attributes range in their qualifications and characteristics, but they all share the common goal – to stop an Israeli infringement, or even destruction, of Gaza’s unstable truce. After the conflict ended, there have been rare occasions without at least one of the former president's delegates on the scene. Just in the last few days saw the likes of Jared Kushner, a businessman, a senator and a political figure – all arriving to execute their assignments.

Israel keeps them busy. In only a few short period it initiated a wave of operations in Gaza after the deaths of two Israeli military soldiers – leading, based on accounts, in many of Palestinian injuries. A number of leaders called for a renewal of the war, and the Knesset enacted a preliminary resolution to incorporate the occupied territories. The American response was somehow ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

But in more than one sense, the Trump administration seems more concentrated on upholding the present, uneasy stage of the ceasefire than on progressing to the next: the rebuilding of Gaza. Regarding this, it appears the United States may have aspirations but few specific proposals.

At present, it is unknown at what point the proposed multinational oversight committee will effectively take power, and the same goes for the appointed security force – or even the composition of its soldiers. On Tuesday, Vance declared the US would not dictate the structure of the foreign contingent on Israel. But if the prime minister's government keeps to dismiss multiple options – as it acted with the Turkish proposal lately – what follows? There is also the reverse issue: who will decide whether the units supported by the Israelis are even interested in the assignment?

The question of the duration it will need to disarm the militant group is equally ambiguous. “Our hope in the government is that the international security force is going to now take charge in disarming the organization,” remarked the official lately. “That’s may need some time.” The former president further reinforced the lack of clarity, declaring in an interview on Sunday that there is no “fixed” deadline for the group to lay down arms. So, theoretically, the unnamed members of this still unformed global contingent could deploy to Gaza while the organization's members continue to wield influence. Would they be dealing with a leadership or a militant faction? These represent only some of the issues arising. Others might ask what the outcome will be for everyday Palestinians under current conditions, with Hamas persisting to focus on its own opponents and dissidents.

Latest events have afresh emphasized the blind spots of Israeli media coverage on both sides of the Gazan frontier. Each outlet seeks to examine every possible perspective of the group's violations of the truce. And, usually, the situation that Hamas has been hindering the return of the bodies of slain Israeli hostages has monopolized the headlines.

Conversely, attention of civilian fatalities in Gaza stemming from Israeli operations has received minimal attention – or none. Take the Israeli response actions in the wake of a recent southern Gaza occurrence, in which two soldiers were fatally wounded. While local authorities claimed dozens of fatalities, Israeli news commentators questioned the “moderate reaction,” which focused on solely infrastructure.

That is not new. During the past weekend, the information bureau accused Israeli forces of violating the peace with the group multiple occasions after the truce came into effect, resulting in the loss of dozens of Palestinians and wounding an additional many more. The assertion was insignificant to the majority of Israeli news programmes – it was just ignored. That included reports that eleven individuals of a Palestinian family were fatally shot by Israeli troops recently.

Gaza’s rescue organization stated the individuals had been seeking to go back to their dwelling in the a Gaza City district of the city when the bus they were in was attacked for allegedly passing the “boundary” that defines areas under Israeli army command. This boundary is unseen to the ordinary view and appears solely on maps and in government records – not always available to ordinary people in the area.

Yet this event barely got a mention in Israeli media. Channel 13 News mentioned it briefly on its website, referencing an IDF representative who explained that after a suspicious car was detected, troops shot warning shots towards it, “but the car continued to move toward the forces in a way that caused an imminent threat to them. The soldiers engaged to neutralize the danger, in line with the agreement.” No casualties were claimed.

With such framing, it is little wonder many Israeli citizens feel the group alone is to blame for violating the ceasefire. That view could lead to prompting appeals for a tougher approach in the region.

At some point – possibly sooner than expected – it will no longer be sufficient for US envoys to take on the role of caretakers, instructing Israel what not to do. They will {have to|need